September 1, 1962, I had to report to Prague’s main train station for military transport to the city of Tabor. Every Czech male 19 years old was drafted for 2 years military service. The exceptions were males attending a university – they attended ROTC-like program in the university and after university was completed they were drafted for 6 month military service.

At the train station in Tabor military trucks were waiting, which transported us to the army base. There were several military bases in Tabor and I was assigned to the 18th tank regiment. When we arrived at the tank regiment barrack complex, we went through the initiation process; getting army clothing, surrendering civilian clothing, getting military style haircut, etc.

The first month was grueling basic training, where, besides normal training, we learned not to question stupid orders from superiors who tried to break the spirits of anyone questioning them. After basic training, we were assigned to specific military groups. I was assigned to the communication/signaling group within the tank regiment, because I graduated from 2 years electronic trade school, after graduating from high school.

Next to my assigned bunk bed was Jan Kotva (Honza) and we were sharing information about each other and became really good friends. Honza was born April 28, 1943, in Hradec Kralove, a small town east of Prague. He moved to Prague, after graduating from high school in town of Jablonec nad Nisou, to attend theater academy (DAMU) in 1960. In 1962, there was a first ever spontaneous student demonstration in the afternoon of May Day, May 1. Students marched in small quarters of Prague chanting political rhyming slogans, like ‘we don’t want Gagarin (the Soviet first astronaut), we want bread and kmin (carraway seeds), highlighting food shortages. There were some disruptions caused and some cars were turned on their sides. Police and secret police rounded up and arrested all the students they could catch, who were in the march. Everyone who was caught, was expelled from school. Among them was Honza, who was not, in general, politically active or a political dissident; he was there just for fun. Anyone who was 19 or older was immediately subject to start 2 year military service on September 1, 1962, since they no longer were attending school. That’s how Honza ended up next to me in bunk bed in Tabor.

In October 1962, during the Cuban crisis, we were in a constant state of readiness, to the point where for almost 2 weeks, we were told to sleep in our uniforms to be ready to clear all tanks, vehicles, and personnel out of the army barracks within 20 minutes. During that time and for about another year, officers were constantly reminding us to report anyone listening to Radio Free Europe station or spreading different news than what we were officially told. Throughout the 2 years in army, we had 2-hour political schooling every week which everyone had to attend. In November or December, I was sent to another town, Pisek, about 30 miles from Tabor, for 3 month to learn and become proficient in maintaining and repairing army transmitters we were using. There I met and became friend with Petr Rampir, who also was rounded up in the May day student demonstration and was kicked out of the film academy (FAMU). These 2 friends, Honza and Petr, remained my friends after the army, since they lived in Prague.

Life in Czech army for draftees was very different from what one would experience in the US army. We did not experience an active war. We were not allowed to wear civilian clothes for the whole 2 years. Only 25% of soldiers could have a free pass in the evenings or Sunday; this included soldiers being on vacation (2 weeks after one year). The pay was 75 crowns a month (a pack of 10 cigarettes were 2 crowns). Fortunately, when we went to a beer pub, civilians would frequently buy us a drink. Because we could not get a free pass to go to town very often, many times we skipped over the wall to be with girlfriends or have a fun. The other soldiers would cover up for it, if they could. Once in a while, officers at night would get everyone up and do a count, in which case, whoever was out would be sentenced from a few days up-to 2 weeks into army jail, sometimes only after duty time. Honza very often got into trouble, talking back to his superiors and skipping over the wall at night. I was in a good position, since I was the only electronic technician; I was responsible for keeping radio transmitters in operational order, charging batteries for electronic equipment, cars, and tanks, and for maintaining warehouse of all electronic and signaling equipment. Also, I set up amplifiers and speakers for any outside gatherings and parades. I used to cover up as much as I could whenever Honza could not be found, by saying that I sent him on some errand. But he was often sentenced to do time in the army jail. I was caught only 2 times for being out with my girlfriend and each time I was sentenced to 2 weeks after duty, which I never started, since they always needed me to do something that only I could do.

The second year in the army, in 1964, the political situation improved. Apparently, on orders from Kruschev, the communist party gave orders that was OK to question the state of the government, everyone should be able to freely discus their opinions, and that people should not be punished for the deeds of their parents and family (which I was personally familiar with). This was kind of similar to what Gorbachev did as ‘glasnost’ 25 years later. Not many people took advantage of it, thinking that it was a ploy, to gather information on undesirable people and after a few years they would tighten up again.

In the evenings or weekends, when we could not go out of the army barracks area or we were not assigned to other army duties, Honza and another soldier, Risa, very often spent time in the communication warehouse I was responsible for. There was a good coal stove, which kept us warm, there were radios so we could listen to music or sometimes Radio Free Europe news. We had a good time, shutting ourselves off from the army surroundings, having privacy. Sometimes we were discussing politics and expressing opinions about the communist system.

Risa and I had very different experiences than Kotva. For example, I was not allowed to go to university, because of my father. Risa also had some undesirable family background, which limited his opportunities and made life for his family difficult. Kotva had no such background issues and was completely sold on the communist teaching, which was reinforced in the university DAMU he attended. He tried to debate with us to prove that we were wrong and that the communist system was good and fair. But we were giving him real life arguments about the unfairness of the system, which he could not explain based on his beliefs. He was really distressed about it and it reached a point that he told us that he went to the political officer and asked him to help Honza to explain to us where we are wrong.

The political officer scheduled an extra 2-hour political schooling for the whole communication group, specifically to cover the items Kotva presented to him. In the classroom, the political officer tried to prompt us to tell what we were telling Kotva in private. Risa or I was not volunteering, so Kotva took it upon himself to tell the class what bothered him about our views. The first hour, the political officer spent time to explain to everyone how and why we were wrong and Kotva was right. No one presented any opposing opinions. Than we had a 10 minute break and we went out to the corridor for a smoke. I was standing there with Risa, looking at each other, and Kotva came to us and told us that he was glad that the political officer explained everything so well and asked us if we now see the light. I was telling him the instances where the political officer was wrong and why Honza was not correct. After a few minutes of heated discussion, I turned my head and there was the political officer standing right behind me, listening to every word I said. I stopped, thinking that I screwed up and now I was in big trouble.

The political officer told me that he never heard anything like what I was telling Kotva and asked, why I did not discuss it in front of the class when he was prompting us for questions. I told him that it does not matter what I would say, since he could not admit that I was right, even if he would think that, because he is a political officer and his job is to explain everything according to the communist teaching. So the discussion would be useless. Fortunately, at that time the communist directive was to allow discussion critical to the communist regime and this particular political officer really believed in the communist theory and also the current communist party directive.

The next hour in the classroom was very lively, since there was no longer any advantage in being quiet. At the end, I was giving him a way out so he felt that he taught us something. For example, one of the question he gave us was what do we think about who ended up winning the Cuban crisis. When no one volunteered any answer, he said that we can express any opinion, that even in their communist party group meeting, the officers could not agree who actually won. So, I told him that I cannot understand how they could have many different opinions, when it is crystal clear. I told him, of course USA wanted to oust Castro and take over Cuba and Soviet Union wanted to preserve Castro and communist Cuba and the missiles in Cuba were there only to achieve the goal. The result was communist Cuba prevailed, so it is clear that Soviet Union won and USA lost. All soldiers in our group had a hard time keeping a serious face, since they knew me, but the political officer was very happy with my answer, thinking that I was sincere. There were some other instances of such discussions and I had to be very careful, how far I pushed my opinions and at which point it would be too dangerous to push it any further.

After this experience, Risa and I were more careful not to push Kotva too far in our future discussions. We remained good friends, since we thought that Kotva was just sincerely depressed because he could not explain to us the “truth” of the communist ideology as he saw it. And considering everything, there was no harm done.

I could write a whole book about the 2 years with Honza Kotva in the communist army, but I will try to limit it to only the most memorable instances. Once a year the army had a regional and national competition in arts between different army units. Kotva was very active in putting together performances and rehearsals in theatrical areas. He was able, once in a while on Sunday afternoon, to reserve a hall in the old Tabor’s theater, put together small performances, and also open it up to public dancing.

We had a small rock and roll army orchestra. My involvement was in setting up the acoustical equipment. One time Honza made me learn a poem to recite in public. I froze before I could say anything and after a few terrible minutes ran from the stage. Honza was also able to use the cellar of an old pub in Tabor called U Lichvicu for performances and we had there a big 1964 New Year’s party.

Kotva was often in trouble with his immediate superiors and was several times sentenced to time in the army jail. When the 2 years ended, everyone who spent time in the army jail, had to stay in the army to make up for the jail time. Honza had to stay over one month longer in the army for that reason.

One time in the second year in the army, Honza got into some trouble and was told by an officer that after the army he will not be able to go back to the theater academy to become an actor. Honza tried to commit suicide, jumping from a second story window, but some tree branch twisted him, he landed on his feet and broke his ankles. The same officer accused Honza that he did not really want to commit suicide, and that he did it to be let go from the army. Honza was sent to some psychiatric army hospital for 3 month observation and was absolved from the accusation.

At the end of two year draft in army, 1964